Canal 13 regional online dating

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He decided to cross the Tigris and take refuge in , capital of the Lakhmid client-kingdom (Ps.-Sebeos, p. But within three days of his arrival at Ctesiphon, he was overthrown in an apparently bloodless palace revolution.The leaders were his brothers-in-law, Bendōy, who was released from prison, and Besṭām.74-76), Roman (Simocatta 4.1.1-12.7) and Persian (the as transmitted by Ṭabari, pp.993-99) are largely independent of each other and relatively forthcoming.A significant success is credited to his governorship.When Bakur, king of Iberia (Georgia), died, leaving children who were minors, Ḵosrow’s jurisdiction was enlarged to include two Iberian districts, Ran and Movakan, which neighbored Albania.Loyalist forces sent north against them were bombarded with rebel propaganda.Hormozd’s position became untenable when they mutinied, killed their commander, and dispersed.

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He had, reportedly, come under suspicion when Bahrām declared that he should replace Hormozd, possibly going so far as to issue coins in his name from the mint at Ray. Not long afterwards—it was merely a matter of days according Ps.-Sebeos—Bahrām marched south to the Nahrawān canal on the left bank of the Tigris.

He had no difficulty in gaining the support of his troops, whom, he claimed, Hormozd meant to deprive of all the spoils of victory (Ps.-Sebeos, pp. While little is known of the early life of Ḵosrow, information is relatively plentiful about the circumstances of his accession.

The three principal sources, Armenian (Ps.-Sebeos, pp.

Similar material was picked up from the many versions of the tradition in circulation by the tenth century (in Arabic translation as well as Pahlavi) by a number of great Muslim historians, including Dinawari, Ebn Qoṭayba, Yaʿqubi, Ṭabari and Masʿudi (all writing in Arabic), as well as Balʿami who introduced additional (Rubin 2009).

It has been argued that the Roman war was passed over in virtual silence in the indigenous Persian historical tradition (Rubin 2005), but this seems unlikely, given the intertwining of foreign and domestic coverage evident in the non-Muslim sources which also drew on the tradition (Ps.-Sebeos, the west Syrian historical tradition which goes back to Theophilus of Edessa [d.785], the by Movsēs Daskhurants‘i), and the requirement that something should explain the change (stressed in the Muslim versions) in the behavior and fortune of Ḵosrow towards the end of his reign.

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